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In Fairness to Governor Ritchie.
In another column on this page is a letter from Governor Ritchie of Maryland, taking issue with a recent editorial in The Eagle, entitled "Mr. Ritchie and the Negroes." The Eagle said it was a political misfortune for Governor Ritchie "that his flat refusal of protection to a Baltimore Negro lawyer, counsel for a Negro accused of murder in the Eastern Shore area, is followed by a lynching of another accused colored man in the same area, a lynching that in its cold barbarity compels a nation's attention."
Governor Ritchie rightly says that The Eagle editorial rested on the assertion that he had refused protection to a certain lawyer who was attorney for a Negro accused of murder, and that this refusal was followed by a lynching. From the Governor's letter it is clear that his failure to provide protection to the attorney for the accused Negro was based on assurances from the local authorities that no action would be needed. On this point the Baltimore Sun says:
In making its charges The Eagle was evidently relying largely on the Governor's original statement of November 5. in which he deferred protection to Yuel Lee and to his counsel, Bernard Ades, on the ground that it was not then necessary. Subsequent developments have, however, entirely caused the Governor to change his position.
The Eagle still feels that, the shocking lynching which followed the first trouble was a political misfortune for Governor Ritchie. At the same time it is glad to assure both the Governor and his stanch defender, the Baltimore Sun, that there was no intention to be unfair to the Governor or to misrepresent what happened. The Eagle is quite sure that Governor Ritchie is deeply shocked by the crime of lynching, and that he has done all in his power to prevent and punish mob violence since the early failure to afford protection to Yuel Lee and his counsel. ¦ ¦ < .'
The Government had been forced to uiac^v its net debt by something like one and one-half billions in the course of this period. The increase had cost it the reduction in placeability of long-term bonds measured by a rise of about one-fourth in the return that the purchaser required and that would move bonds.
Issuing $2,000,000,000 more of bonds, and for a purpose such as the purchaser was likely to scrutinize very closely, would quite possibly put the United States under the necessity of offering interest at 5',2 percent a year. It would drive down the remaining issues of company and State indebtedness that still sell high enough to yield less than 5% percent or so. It would thus not only lower Federal credit but cause embarrassment to banks and other institutions having much of their capital placed in high-grade bonds of other types.
We need at this time to strengthen the security of investments in sound bonds, which carry a great part of the savings, bank deposits and insurance of the nation. By lessening their security we might do more damage to the ordinary citizen than we should do him benefit through the Wagner scheme of public work. ¦
The Spirit of Peace Needed.
In an age of mutually hostile tariffs, of "passports," of execution of spies in a time of nominal peace, of immigration laws in many lands defiant of the "brotherhood of man," of barbarous warfare in the Far East, with bombs for noncombatants, most of ur can see that the spirit of peace, the spirit of fraternity, the spirit of Jesus of Nazareth, is what the world needs most. What Nicholas Murray Butler, president of Columbia, said in accepting the Nobel Peace Prize is in line with' this idea.
Dr. Butler worfld "get rid of battleships, destroyers, submarines and the like instruments for the desiftiction of life and maintain navies of peace/ He. would have no "war depart-ments.y^nly ministries of national defense. He wouljr exalt the League of Nations and tije"
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